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Being an artist is a state of the spirit. It is a creative activity, doesn’t matter in which field — physics, art, or politics. You just use different instruments - tells Jacek Adamas. An interview from the ‘Political Critique’ No. 14/2007.
We
simply react
Jacek
and Katarzyna Adamas talk to Artur Zmijewski
Worlawki 10.08.2007
Artur
Zmijewski:
Start with the landfill.
Jacek
Adamas: We came to Warmia for the first time in the ’90s. Kasia was
nine months pregnant. And we just arrived. For a week we lived in
wild meadows — these were the times of fallen PGR (Public
Agricultural Company). We were charmed, fields, incredible fields,
with houses scattered every few kilometres. You walked sandy country
roads with wild flowers just a few kilometres to the nearest shop.
What a contrast to living in a city. And I needed a great change
then. We looked for a hut for two years and finally we found this place — Worlawki.
You
didn’t know then that the landfill was supposed to be three
kilometres from here in a straight line?
JA:
No, these decisions were made ‘semi- openly’. The landfill was
supposed to be used by the whole voivodship
(province), but officially it was maintained that only three
parishes — Dobre Miasto, Swiatki, and Ludomino — would be using it.
They said it was just a trifle, that nature would absorb it.
Otherwise, nobody would have agreed to it, and that is how it
started. Then, a protest committee was established by farmers in the
village of Legno and we joined the protest.
Were
the inhabitants asked for approval with regards to the landfill?
JA:
Only the village administrators were asked, and they made the
decision for us. This was illegal, a public consultation should have
taken place — a local referendum. In the meantime, on paper, the
village administrator agreed to the building of the landfill. We went
to the administrator and asked how he could have decided about this
kind of investment in this way, and we made a bit of a scene.
Katarzyna
Adamas: Jacek undertook collecting signatures of those inhabitants of
our village who were against building the landfill. He collected 30
signatures. Every fourth person signed, and there were some family
conflicts because of that. In the end it appeared that most people
were against it.
What
happened next?
JA:
We invited Mrs. Jaworowicz from the ‘Case for the Reporter’ TV
programme. That is when the conflict started with the parish mayor of
Swiatki and leader of Warmia’s Association of Parishes who had not
issued any estimate with regards to the effects of the landfill on
the environment and people’s health. But we managed to find the
report which said that the landfill would cause lots of harmful changes.
In
what other ways did you protest?
JA:
We are still fighting the legal battle. We support village
administrators who are against the landfill and who organised the
Lagno village protest committee. They collected about 1,000
signatures from surrounding villages. This is an army of people. This
protest was also led by a local priest, it got to the point that the
priest ‘excommunicated’ the village administrator: he asked him
not to come to church. The priest ran into some problems because the
local Catholic authority said that he was meddling too much in
politics. Anyway, the administrator couldn’t go to the local church
because he had behaved disloyally towards the community, in
supporting the landfill. It was a real, serious local war!
But
you didn’t only protest using legal means — there was also a
gathering of heavy farm equipment on the terrain of the landfill . .
.
JA:
The protest has lasted a few years and we have succeeded in stopping
the construction. People live in economic hardship here. They
received donations from the EU to develop agro tourism in the area.
This is indeed a great tourist region but the vision of the landfill
and incinerators hung over it. So we organised an association, ‘Let’s
Love Warmia’. Members are local farmers, and we organised some
events to became known. When supporters of the landfill, the
president of Olsztyn, the prefect of the district, and the mayor of
Swiatki wanted to meet ‘their’ journalists and local TV, other
journalists phoned us and told us what was being planned. This was
supposed to be a very quiet meeting. There were pretzels, cake, and
coffee. The idea was to get journalists who would write that the
landfill was being built to make Warmia a cleaner place. And we
arrived there with a group of farmers in tractors, informed the local
TV, and there was a riot. It was no longer possible to organise a
press conference where the authorities delivered their message with
nobody asking questions about the sense of this investment.
What
was the role of tractors in this situation?
JA:
Tractors, such giants, were driven all over the ten hectares of this
field were the landfill was supposed to be built. Some of them were
with ploughs. They flew across these fields and later they formed a
line — it looked like a scene from the film ‘The Convoy’ with
Chris Kristofferson. It made an impression. I screamed at the
prefect: ‘If you want to fight, when the work on the fields ends,
we will take this equipment to the streets of Olsztyn unless you
leave’. It was on local TV. The President of Olsztyn was terrified.
Surely
you are recognised as a local activist?
JA:
Maybe. Ecological politics in the region is wrong. The
characteristics of Warmia are forgotten :
houses
scattered over the hills with various huts and barns. We hung banners
all over the city: ‘Warmia without landfills’. We criticised the
bad investments. Authorities get donations from the Union, for
example. People transform farms to accommodate agro tourism while at
the same time the officials are trying to get permission to build a
landfill in the same place. Both programmes are very well prepared
but both annul each other.
KA:
There is also a third programme here, Nature 2000. Money from the EU
is used to protect birds and their habitats. We think that EU
officials do not control the flow of the money — there is no
coordination because all of these initiatives annul each other.
JA:
There is no economical argument for transporting rubbish 40
kilometres to the landfill. Especially when they say that it is
completely harmless refuse. If so, why don’t they build a ski jump
for Malysz out of it in Olsztyn? This is disinformation; there is no
harmless refuse. Rubbish in a landfill is a danger. That is where
bacterial mutations take place. One big boiling heap with
temperatures of hundreds of degrees Celsius inside. A special gas
installation has to be made. A stench spreads all over the area and
stays in the lower parts of the terrain. And after a few years we
will have a real stink here. This smell will be present in all
agricultural products, for instance in the taste of milk.
KA:
EU funds are not earned.
JA:
They fall from the sky. You get them. They are not the effect of your
development. There is a complete negligence of the stage of building
an economic foundation — the feeling of possession, responsibility
for the good — which these funds could foster. It destroys any
economic or cultural consciousness. We now have a period of illusion
that everything is developing. There are notices in our parish that
the new sewage system was built using EU money. But nobody had
thought that the sewage would have to go to the wastewater treatment
plant. On paper everything is fine. The sewage system works but the
sewage-cleaning plant doesn’t because it is old and cannot clean
this amount of sewage. In the end, the sewage-cleaning plant pollutes
the Pasleka River.
And
money was also received from the Union for the birds reserve, right?
JA:
Yes, a sewage system was necessary. Its construction was financed by
an EU allowance. Up until this time, not all houses in Swiatki parish
had been connected to the system and nature somehow had coped, sewage
had sunk in somewhere. Then the money came, all the houses were
connected, the amount of sewage coming to the old wastewater plant
rose, and now sewage flows into melioration rows.
KA:
This is what happens with money which is not earned through work. The
Union gives it to the local authority but does not control whether
the financed programmes are needed locally. Good programme,
convincing — let’s give the money.
Once
again, we have four programmes financed by the EU which annul each
other in your parish: the birds and their habitats reservation, which
is also the reservation of the Pasleka River; the development of agro
tourism; the landfill for three voivodships;
and the sewage system for the villages which transfers sewage to the
old treatment plant which lets off this sewage into the legally
protected Pasleka River.
JA:
But when we want to prove it, we have to file for a water-cleanliness
test of the water let off by the waste treatment plant, and we don’t
have money for that.
Knowing
you, surely you protested in the case of the sewage system.
JA:
Yes, sewage from the treatment plant went all over the fields. Five
hectares of fields flooded. It was a frightening sight.
It
was classic sewage: feces, sewage, organic refuse, etc.?
JA:
Yes, the whole field was flooded.
KA:
From time to time, they make a ‘controlled let off’. It should be
cleaned water. The case went to the prosecutor. The prosecutor
decided it was an act of low social harm and had minimal impact on
the environment. The case was dropped.
And
what about the tests of the water which flooded the fields?
JA:
The result depends on who performs the test. When a farmer ordered
the test, paying himself, the result he got was that the water was
dirty and he should get compensation. But when this water was tested
at the Voivodship’s Inspectorate of Environmental Conservation, it
turned out that this was first-class clean water. For few years now,
there has been a case against the former director of that
Inspectorate, who had a heap of hospital refuse from Warsaw on his
plot in Narajty. In connection with this case I made a happening
called ‘Who will clean up Narajty?’
Were
there any art actions in response to the sewage flooding the fields?
JA:
Action ‘Clean hands’. I spread white towels and bars of soap in
front of the voivod’s office. I repeated it on local TVP 3 Olsztyn
when I was invited to a meeting with the leader of Warmia’s
Association of Parishes who is also the mayor of the village I live
in. I formed an infinity sign. The protest was directed at the
authorities’ inertia.
Tell
me now about your daughter Rose. She doesn’t speak, and she needed
to go to the special-needs school in Olsztyn. Transport should have
been provided by the parish, but something hadn’t worked out. That
is when you threatened the voivod with a happening and she gave in
under the threat of artistic action. How was it?
JA:
Local officials do not care about ecology, don’t care about access
to education. This is a system which shuffles the cards, destroys
people. We keep relative independence and we protest.
KA:
Rose is a special needs child. According to law, she should be going
to the closest school, chosen according to her health and disposition.
And
this school is in Olsztyn?
KA:
Yes. The necessity of going to this particular school was confirmed
by a doctor’s statement. We live 30 kilometres from Olsztyn. The
parish is obliged by law to provide transport for such a child. On
September 1, children from Worlawki went to the local school on a
school bus. But nobody came for Rose. Of course I had informed the
mayor that there would be transport needed for Rose because she had
been accepted to the special-needs school. And we waited patiently
till September 20.
Are
there more kids like this in the villages?
KA:
Yes, quite a few.
The
parish is obliged to provide transport to school for all children.
But it doesn’t provide transport for the special-needs children and
in doing so delays their start at school which deepens their problems.
KA:
The parish does not want to take responsibility. These kids need a
special curriculum. Every day out of school is a day lost. On
September 20, there was a meeting of the parish council during which
the officials (a farmer, plumber, and forester) were deciding if this
school would be good for Rose. Later they concluded that there was no
money for transport and that the parish could buy me a monthly bus
pass and I could take Rose to school. The bus is at 5:45 in the
morning and returns at 17:15 in the evening. That was when we went
to the voivod and to the Education Council.
JA:
We also accused the mayor of impeding us in carrying out our legal
duty of sending our child to school.
Were
you accused of not meeting your legal obligation as parents?
KA:
No, the school knew the situation. We also spoke to directors of
other schools explaining that there was a problem with the transport
of the kids. We made it heard. There was TV here and radio, and they
wrote about it in the press. It was a success because suddenly there
was panic in the parishes, and the children started to get picked up.
The director of the school in Olsztyn told us about it. But before
that happened, we had had a problem.
JA:
I was already strongly determined. We went to the voivod with Rose
and I told her that on this day she would carry out her educational
obligation in the voivod’s office.
KA:
I brought some papers, pencils. Rose started to draw. Later she
crawled under the table because she loves to look at shoes. She ate
some sweets provided for official visitors and took the rest for the
other children. Jacek said that it was her first day of school.
JA:
And if there were no reaction we were going to arrange for a skip of
sand to come and we would make a sandpit for the special-needs
children in front of the voivod’s office.
KA:
And straight away, the voivod dictated a note to the mayor concerning
Rose’s transport. Soon we got a letter from the mayor saying that
beginning October 19, a car would come to collect Rose. The mayor
employed a driver and carer, and gave his car. It was a shock for
people because the car in which the mayor usually drove around,
started coming in the morning to the Adamas. Children were going to
school by bus and Rose was going in the mayor’s car to Olsztyn.
And
what was the prosecutor’s reply to your accusations?
JA:
They refused to pursue the case because the mayor had started to
fulfil his duties.
So
the prosecutor’s office decided that if a child loses part of her
school year, it is not a problem?
JA:
There are different rules here. We met one vice prosecutor for the
region and he told us, ‘Here, people don’t like newcomers from
Warsaw and you don’t take the mayor to court.’ Now we know that
before someone opens a legal codex here, he checks to see if the
person filing the case is from Warsaw. If so, they drop the case. For
example, there was a case regarding the demolition of a nature
reserve. The lead prosecutor for Olsztyn North assigned as prosecutor
for the case a woman whose husband, mayor of Jonkowo Parish, was
responsible for these harmful acts. Our letter to the court
concerning the conflict of interest was ignored.
And
do people fight for their rights?
JA:
These are post-PGR villages heavily dependent on social aid. And
social aid is in the mayor’s hands. Also in the mayor’s hands are
workplaces for kindergarten and elementary school teachers, as well
as assistance for the unemployed.
KA:
Above all there is no change. The present mayor used to be a director
of the local PGR and people chose him. He is the mayor for the fifth
time. People choose the same person because, as they say, ‘We know
what we can expect.’
‘Better
the devil you know.’ But I know that in the local election you had
an opposition candidate.
JA:
Yes, we convinced one good and courageous man to run for mayor. I
phoned PIS (Law and Justice Party). I told them that the next day I
would bring a guy and ‘could he become part of there list of
candidates’? The next day, I drove around our candidate who
announced he was running for mayor of Swiatki, and he lost by only
100 votes. We didn’t win but the opposition was initiated. The
mayor was used to doing what he wanted — members of the parish
council just signed the papers. I remember when it occurred that he
wanted to sell the gravel excavation in Gologora without people’s
knowledge and agreement. In Gologora, an illegal gravel excavation
was underway. The mayor decided to sell this land in order to
legalise extraction of the gravel. He put it to tender without
people’s knowledge. When people realised that there would be
40-tonne trucks driving their country lanes, they rebelled. They
collected signatures, and as an ally, I added the endorsement of the
‘Let’s Love Warmia’ association, and the mayor cancelled the
results of the tender.
So
it looks like a lot has been done. But nonetheless I get the
impression that you are a bit bitter.
JA:
For years we have struggled with the same issues. You could really
make something happen here. For example in ‘culture houses’. Or
fill in the old lakes with water. This terrain could become a great
agro tourism region. And income from agro tourism is not small. This
could enliven the people.
Jacek,
you wanted to draw a new trail around the three nearby lakes.
JA:
Now I know that you could fill in the old lakes and that we could
have a trail around five lakes. In Legno, they have started to fill
in the lakes. Only, all initiatives have to go through the system
which rules here. And if an idea catches on, the ‘initiator’ is
suddenly someone else and this person takes the prize, which is
electoral success. For example, the mayor of Dobre Miasto said, ‘I
will agree to help with filling in the old lakes under the condition
that the people whose land will be taken won’t complain.’ This is
appalling! People should get some compensation for their land. Now
people are starting to withdraw from the project. Soon, the whole
plan will fall apart.
Is
it more profitable to pay people for their land because profits from
tourism will compensate it?
JA:
Yes. In Kwiecewo and Legno there are old, nowadays dry lakes. After
filling, there could be a 500-hectare lake. In exchange for lost
land, farmers could get money or land in other places. Tourists would
come. The price of land around the lakes would grow. And we would
keep some water in the ‘step-wind’ Poland. I had a few good
initiatives, such as the ‘tree of wishes’. It concerned children
from the villages. I drove to after-school clubs and asked children
to write their wishes on a wooden plaque. Later, I deepened the
writing with a router. These were the simplest wishes: that dad would
stop drinking, that you could walk to school on a sidewalk, that the
bus stop would have a cover.
KA:
The child who wished that his dad would stop drinking signed with his
name with the faith that something would change, that somebody would listen.
JA:
And the mayor of Dobre Miasto declared that when the children hung
their plaques, he would grant their wishes. Some of them he could
actually make come true, but it was about integration as well.
Children would know that there was a tree of wishes in Dobre Miasto
and that some of those wishes came true.
KA:
With the Plaques hung on the tree, the elections came around, the
mayor did not have time, and after the elections completely forgot
about their realisation. Or, for another such example: for few
months we were organising a course in stained glass window making.
JA:
There were tiny children enrolled but also big guys with tattoos. I
wasn’t sure. I thought, ‘What is going to happen?’ But slowly,
they started to do something. At the beginning, people kept their
distance and made stupid jokes. But suddenly, it caught on. People
saw that connecting a few coloured pieces of glass is quite a normal craft.
KA:
Sometimes kids came with their mothers. They sat together and made
stained glass windows. These were good times.
JA:
Kate started to do origami with kids. Before
Christmas, crowds of people came.
KA:
We could see how strong the need for a community among the children
was. It was very important for them that someone came to them, that
someone was interested in them. And there was this surprise that they
could do something. They take a stained glass piece home and their
parents ask, ‘Did you do that yourself?’ And suddenly everybody
starts to notice stained glass windows in church although they never
paid any attention before. Children were emotional: ‘Wow, I’m
making a stained window like there is in church.’
Were
these classes free?
JA:
Yes. I was supposed to be employed as a culture instructor and
offering art classes in the culture-house and in after-school clubs.
We were asked to give our terms. We gave them and that is how the
case ended.
What
conditions did you give?
JA:
A 2500 ZL monthly salary for running art classes, plus the cost of
commuting. To some villages, it is over 30 kilometres. It is
especially difficult in winter.
Why
did it end?
JA:
Apparently there was no money. Some of the after-school clubs were
closed, others were made smaller. The closest one in Legno isn’t
open anymore.
KA:
Jobs were liquidated because carers hadn’t finished secondary
school. These were women from the villages, committed to their work.
JA:
Officials came up with the idea that the carers had to have certain
teaching qualifications. Where in these villages will you find people
with such qualifications? A 600 ZL monthly salary for these women
saved their families. And the authorities who earn several thousands
a month say that they can’t find any other way to help those
people. They walk passively
past
the places where unhappiness exists. We told the carers that they
wouldn’t be dismissed, that we had been to a meeting with the
voivod.
Children had given her stained glass windows, which she had accepted.
She had said that this was a superb initiative, that other parishes
should follow the example. And look.
We
still have to talk about the gravel excavation.
JA:
This was two years after we moved in. I had already been involved
with social activism. People knew about us. A man visited us and told
us about the illegal
gravel
excavation.
He said that the mayor was selling the gravel. This man himself
wanted to take some gravel,
but
they told him to go away. And then he drove me to the excavation site
and he showed me the place. Later on, it turned out that the parish
can’t behave like a company and can’t get the rights for the
gravel excavation. In addition, the excavation was taking place on
the nature reserve.
Where
is it?
JA:
Eight kilometres away, at the Pasleka River reserve. You can’t even
cut grass there. The gravel excavation is about 1.5 hectares large;
gravel is extracted up to 9 metres. They extricated a few thousand
cubic metres of it.
KA:
In addition, this part of the Pasleka is a land reserve, and since
2004 has been protected by EU law as well.
JA:
We wanted to show the hypocrisy of the authorities.
That
the protection of the reserve stops when someone can make money on it?
JA:
Yes, gravel excavated for private roads.
Who
buys gravel there? Local people?
KA:
Those who know how to make a deal with the mayor. A few years ago,
he bought a house. Gravel used for the driveway up to his house was
brought from the excavation
site.
What
did you do about it?
JA:
I wrote a letter to the mayor with a request to explain the rules for
excavation activity on the site of a nature reserve. I didn’t
receive any answer, so I accused him of illegal activity. The case
was dropped.
KA:
When journalists came to the gravel excavation site, they found
excavation equipment there. There was an article in the press with a
picture of the machines.
And
what about the court?
JA:
They said that the mayor acted in good faith because the gravel was
used for the parish’s needs, for example hardening the roads. But
we submitted documents showing that the gravel was sold to private entities.
KA:
The mayor defended himself saying that he didn’t sell the gravel
but just used it to thank people for various services. Our mayor paid
the mayor of Jankowo parish, a former prosecutor, with gravel from
the illegal excavation in exchange for water.
JA:
Then I decided I had to do something spectacular: a hunger
strike,
and towels and soap in the voivod’s
office — the
‘Clean Hands’ action. The prosecution office connected two cases:
the pollution of the nature reserve by the overloaded
water
treatment
plant
and
the gravel excavation against which they refused to take legal
proceedings any further. The pollution of the nature reserve was
treated as a ‘low social harm’ and the mayor running the illegal
gravel excavation had acted in good faith.
KA:
And had carried out his duty, meaning maintaining the roads. In
February 2003, the voivod’s geologist came, looked at the gravel
excavation, and concluded that there was no sign of extraction.
Nothing strange, it was February, and the snow was waist-high.
JA:
Then, the
mayor
applied to the
voivod
for a concession to excavate gravel, but he didn’t get it. The
mayor and the prosecutor’s office think like that: if the parish
can’t get a concession to excavate because it’s not legally
possible, they will do it without a concession and everything’s fine.
KA:
We went to Rospuda, to Mr. Wajrak, when there were protests by ecologists.
JA:
We spoke to them but only the Association for All Creatures was
interested. They promised to monitor everything that happened with
this case. We phoned Greenpeace, saying that there had been a breach
of the laws regarding the Pasleka River nature reserve, and we
thought that they would help us in the same way they now fight for
the Rospuda Valley, and the aims are very similar. But in reply
Greenpeace said that we could join in the work of saving whales.
Talk
now about sitting in front of the voivod’s office in Olsztyn.
JA:
I am concerned about state of the country. Using the law must be
above all logical. Laws regarding nature conservation in my area were
not being observed. That is why I demanded an improvement of the
situation. I acted according to the law, but my activities didn’t
bring any effect. So I decided to do something more spectacular. It
was the same idea with the towels and soap.
What
makes you so angry about this country?
JA:
Administration is not used to solveing people’s problems but to
providing a service. Offices are privatised and then are grabbed by
another authority. The central idea is economics and this is wrong
because all qualities disappear, everything has a price. If you
create this kind of social model then the society dies. All
connections corrode. Everything is for sale.
Is
that why you put on an orange overall and a cotton sack over your
head in front of the marshal’s office in Olsztyn?
JA:
Yes. I had my ID with my identification number on my neck. I had come
to the conclusion that in the present social model, I am in a ‘state
of possession’, a number. Just like in a camp. You get just enough
to keep you productive.
A
similar happening took place in a gigantic building of a chicken
farm. People wore sacks with numbers on their heads.
JA:
That was in 2006, 15 years after the beginning of the ‘marshall
law’ (started on December 13, 1981). I wanted to show what had
happened to our ideas and there destruction during the period of
‘marshall law’. There was a printing press at my place, and
among other papers, I published an oppositional weekly called ‘Los’
(Fate). Sometimes, 3,000 copies of it lay under blankets. Printers
came, we had some vodka and I was afraid, but I thought that
opposition was a must.
Where
was it?
JA:
In my old flat on Lubelska Street, next to the Warsaw East railway
station. It was social then, a common aim, and today there is no
connection. And that is why you can call the happening at the chicken
farm ‘20 years and one day after’ because it took place on
December 14, 2006. We have been changed into a mass. We used to be a
working class of cities and villages, now we are fertilizer for
industry and banks. Some time ago, I would have shouted it out and
would most probably have been beaten with truncheons by the police.
Nowadays, I send my ID back to the ombudsman, saying that the state
of the country hurts my civic feelings and that I don’t want to be
a citizen any longer. But they just send the ID card back. They
ignore you. People are blinded by the shops with a lot of products in
them. But life is poor if it is only the fulfilment of material needs.
You
use two different methods of intervention into, let’s call it, the
local field of power. One is the execution of your right to criticise
the way the authorities use their power, through protest,
accusations, performance. You constantly check on the authorities and
constantly monitor, importune them. You can call it being socially
active. But one of your actions, bringing your own candidate to run
in an election
is
different from social activism. Once you get involved in grooming
local leaders, in deciding who will rule, do you cross this ‘thin,
red line’ and become a local politician yourself?
JA:
If my actions don’t produce results, I look for alternatives.
Your
artistic activity has become a form of civic protest, disobedience.
Can it become a strictly political activity? You are a local leader,
you initiate protests, you activate people.
KA:
We are always open when it comes to action.
JA:
We just react. Every action which takes place in the social field is
politics. What we’ve done so far is protest. We want the law to be
a tool for controlling authorities. But you are right: by getting
involved in deciding who will govern we get involved in deciding what
the reality around us will look like. There was a chance, we used it.
There was the hope that something would change in the parish.
Politics
is a sphere of conflict, a place where social needs are articulated,
and where you demand that the conditions for their fulfilment be
created. Are you still an artist or already a politician? You have
mixed the languages.
JA:
Being an artist is a state of the spirit. It is a creative activity,
doesn’t matter in which field — physics, art, or politics. You just
use different instruments. Art can be both a way of seeking
illumination as well as social interaction. Art, in a great way,
prepares you for public activity because you have to publicly defend
very strange objects and some strange actions. Art is an active form
of language. Society is a moving train filled with people and their
relations. The artist is the one who tries to open the window, often
losing his fingers or teeth while doing so.
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