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Życzyłbym sobie, abyśmy w obecnym stuleciu potrafili w końcu połączyć wiedzę naukową i techniczną, rozwiniętą jak nigdy dotąd w historii, z umiejętnościami ludzkimi i politycznymi, które, jak na ironię, są najbardziej w historii zacofane. Dysponujemy wszystkimi środkami naukowymi, technicznymi i nawet finansowymi, aby wykorzenić biedę, głód, ciemnotę dotykającą co najmniej połowę mieszkańców naszej planety. Dlaczego tego nie robimy? Dlatego, że brakuje nam politycznej woli, połączenia pragnienia i działania, żeby to zrobić.
Carlos Fuentes (1928-2012), Contra Bush
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Danecki: Egiptian uprising of the people |
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Jan Smoleński in conversation with prof. Janusz Danecki
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04.02.2011 |
Jan Smoleński, Political Critique: Egypt seethes. According to some
estimates, around a million people took part in yesterday’s
demonstration in Cairo. There were protests in other major cities. What
is the reason for these occurrences? And can we call it a people’s
revolution?
Prof. Janusz Danecki*: I prefer the term ‘people’s uprising’. This
is an indication of civil disobedience against authority, which doesn’t
suit the Egyptian society; the masses revolt against the situation,
which was unbearable. Besides, there were similar grounds for protests
in Tunisia.
And precisely what were the grounds?
The first and foremost – an economic one: poverty, unemployment,
practically no prospects for the youth. And notice there are the young
people protesting, who want to have conditions for any development. The
bad economic situation gave rise to the question, why it is as it is;
and the most probable answer was that the Egyptian government is
inefficient and undemocratic. The street wants reforms, but has no
illusions that the current authorities will introduce them, as they have
heart the same promises for too long. Neither Ben Ali in Tunisia nor
Hosni Mubarak in Egypt have kept their promises. Hence, there is this
revolt.
Can the fact that this is an uprising of the masses influence the
Western countries’ aloofness to these protests? When I recall the Green
Revolution in Iran, the West reacted in a completely different way, but
also that unrest was an uprising of the middle class against theocracy. I
have the impression the West fears that the crowd is under the
influence of extremist clergy.
The Egyptian and Tunisian crowds are not under the influence of clergy.
The reasons for these protests are secular, if this word can be used.
Additionally, these protesters have some benchmark for a country, which
they would like to realize, and it is the western democracy. The street
looks for a cure to their poverty and unemployment in democracy.
So why this dissimilarity in support for those two uprisings?
The West was always afraid of religious extremism in the Middle East and
the Iranian theocracy always was considered dangerous. Moreover there
is the matter of the nuclear weapon and armament risk. That’s why the
Western countries would willingly get rid of the ayatollahs and they
supported the Green Revolution, which in fact was an uprising of a
narrow social group, namely the educated middle class. And that is the
reason why the Green Revolution didn’t succeed – it was not a mass
uprising.
In the case of Egypt and Tunisia, there are no threats of clergy power.
The states of Egypt and Tunisia were created by Europeans, patterned on
Europeans countries. There is the president, the prime minister and the
parliament, although all of them are just façades, like in Poland during
the communism time.
Obviously the sense of frustration and the inability to influence your
own life had an impact on people leading them to the streets, so by all
means this is a democratic uprising. Nevertheless the West is anxious of
what will happen if the regime fails. Will there be chaos, or not?
Maybe is it better the regime remains and gets ready for the gradual
power devolution. In my opinion the second option is better than the
sudden fall of the regime. I have the impression that President Mubarak
inclines towards the second scenario and prepares himself for leaving.
He appointed his people to the most important state positions, ordering
to negotiate with the opposition, which in some measure accepted the
role of the representative of revolting masses.
The similar mechanism worked in Tunisia. The president resigned
practically at once, but there appeared the provisional president and
the provisional prime minister – both from the previous authority – and
the opposition joined them. Thus there was set the provisional
government, which will lead the democratic transformation, since, let’s
not hide it, the new constitution, new elections and new state
institutions cannot be arranged with one overturn from day to day.
Behind the reserve about supporting the uprising in Egypt, is there
an American anxiety that they can lose an ally in continuing the war on
terror with the usage of torture? It is no secret that Mubarak accepted
the torturing of US’s prisoners on the territory of his country. If the
new democratic authority appears in Egypt, it doesn’t have to be
favourably disposed towards the Americans. It seems the uprising also
showed that the USA is not essential for the region‘s democratisation,
and actually they can disturb it.
Of course there is a possibility that the new authority would change
Egypt’s foreign policy. Actually we can be certain of that. However I am
not sure if the USA, with their referring to democracy, is as cynical
as you suggest. What you call a reserve I would call a caution. The
United States has to act prudently, if they don’t want to lose an ally
in the Middle East. I think this precaution is justified, because if the
USA insisted on the immediate departure of Mubarak and it actually
happened, it would end with a catastrophe. Whereas, if the democracy is
established, than the USA will have to take it into account. This
democracy doesn’t have to be threatening for the United States.
Of course it’s said that the power will be taken by the Muslim
Brotherhood and Egypt will be an enemy of the USA, like Hamas. It is not
very likely. More probable is that the democracy will be established
and there will be a place for many trends; from the socialism of
Nasser’s type, through liberal parties, to religious fundamentalists
like the Brotherhood. Kindly notice, that so far there have been no
anti-American outcries. There were only protests against Mubarak,
corruption and nepotism. I am convinced that the democratic authorities
will be appointed, unless it comes to some catastrophe, although the
process of transformation into a free society can be long and take even a
few years.
Do you think that the relations between Egypt and Israel will worsen?
After all, Mubarak somehow co-operated with his eastern neighbour.
Let’s start with saying that the bilateral relations will certainly
change, but I do not expect the 180-degree change. After all, if the new
government comes into being, it will be created by relatively young
people, who were born in the world with Israel, the ‘Zionist entity’ as
it was named in Arabic countries. We have to remember that the bilateral
relations will also depend on Israel’s policy and I hope Israel will
act rationally. The prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, said there was a
danger that the anti-Israeli extremists would come to power. And in
fact the extremists are anti-Israeli; The Brotherhood is moderately
anti-Israeli, Hamas, which grew out of the Brotherhod, is extremely
anti-Israeli. I don’t think they will come to power, because I do not
hear or see the people representing the extremists among the protesters,
so the new government won’t be all about them either.
Do you see a chance the protests initiated in the North Africa may
overflow to the other counties? There were already demonstrations in
Sudan and protests in Jordan.
The country, which is closest to the continuation of this in fact
general-Arabic tendency, is Algeria. There also is an authoritarian
government and there also were economic-based revolts. The difference
between Algeria and Egypt or Tunisia lies in the fact that Algeria is
wealthy enough to clog people’s mouths with money and introduce some
reforms reducing the poverty. Moreover in Algeria, the 20-year war just
ended, so I don’t know if the people are keen to start any unrest.
Whereas Jordan, you mentioned, is a different case. This is a monarchy,
which is in principle dynastic. The king dissolved the government
yesterday under the influence of social protests against unsuitable
governance of the country, but it seems improbable that some similar
uprising would happen. In monarchies like Jordan or Morocco the changes
will consist in the gradual reducing of the king’s power in favour of
democratic institutions. And these processes are slowly going on.
It is unknown, what with Libya and Syria, the two republics, which are
in line for the regime changes. Libya is a totalitarian country. You
could say it is a total unenlightened absolutism. In Syria the situation
may look slightly better.
But the situation in Sudan is different. This is a very poor country.
The people, under the influence of the events in Tunisia and Egypt, are
also revolting against the undemocratic government. However it is hard
to say the country is entirely authoritarian when the free referendum
was allowed and in the result the new country came into existence. The
country, saying in addition, which will be separated together with
deposits of natural resources, so the economic situation of the North
will be even worse.
There is a hypothesis that these uprisings were inspired from the
outside. For example, Teheran claimed that the revolt in Egypt would
help to create the ‘Islamic Middle East’.
I do not believe in any external inspiration, as nobody had expected the
protests. These protests don’t even have leaders. Although some voices
appeared saying that Iran initiated the uprising; but when you listen to
the Iranian television, the accounts of the events look rather like
propaganda taking advantage of them, mostly anti-Israeli anyway.
Certainly Iran will try to make use of the situation, but this people’s
uprising is too big to be the result of the external influences.
Janusz Danecki* is a professor of Arabian studies on Warsaw University and School of Social Science and Humanities
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